The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan

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9781476782423: The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan
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The Invisible Bridge CHAPTER ONE

“Small and Suspicious Circles”


ONCE UPON A TIME WE had a Civil War. More than six hundred thousand Americans were slaughtered or wounded. Soon afterward, the two sides began carrying out sentimental rituals of reconciliation. Confederate soldiers paraded through the streets of Boston to the cheers of welcoming Yankee throngs, and John Quincy Adams II, orating from the podium, said, “You are come so that once more we may pledge ourselves to a new union, not a union merely of law, or simply of the lips: not . . . of the sword, but gentlemen, the only true union, the union of hearts.” Dissenters from the new postbellum comity—like the abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison, who argued that the new system of agricultural labor taking root in the South and enforced by Ku Klux Klan terror hardly differed from slavery—were shouted down. “Does he really imagine,” the New York Times indignantly asked, “that outside of small and suspicious circles any real interest attaches to the old forms of the Southern question?”

America the Innocent, always searching for totems of a unity it can never quite achieve—even, or especially, when its crises of disunity are most pressing: it is one of the structuring stories of our nation. The “return to normalcy” enjoined by Warren Harding after the Great War; the cult of suburban home and hearth after World War II; the union of hearts declaimed by Adams on Boston’s Bunker Hill parade ground after the War Between the States.

And in 1973, after ten or so years of war in Vietnam, America tried to do it again.

On January 23, four days into his second term, which he had won with the most commanding landslide in U.S. history, President Richard Nixon went on TV to announce, “We have concluded an agreement to end the war and bring peace with honor in Vietnam and South Asia.” The Vietnam War was over—“peace with honor,” in the phrase the president repeated six more times.

But “it wasn’t like 1945, when the end of the war brought a million people downtown to cheer,” Mike Royko, the Chicago Daily News’ regular-guy columnist, wrote. “Now the president comes on TV, reads his speech, and without a sound the country sets the clock and goes to bed.” He was grateful for it. “There is nothing to cheer about this time. Except that it is over. . . . Mr. Nixon’s efforts to inject glory into our involvement were hollow. All he had to say was that it is finally over.”

Royko continued, “It is hard to see the honor. . . . Why kid ourselves? They didn’t die for anyone’s freedom. They died because we made a mistake. And we can’t justify it with slogans and phrases from other times.

“It was a war that made the sixties the most terrible decade our history. . . . If we insist on looking for something of value in this war then maybe it is this:

“Maybe we finally have the painful knowledge that we can never again believe everything our leaders tell us.”

Others, though, longed for the old patriotic rituals of reconciliation. And their vehicle became the prisoners of war held in Hanoi by our Communist enemies. “The returning POWs,” Secretary of Defense Elliot Richardson told the president, “have dramatically launched what DOD is trying to do to restore the military to its proper position.” The president, pleased, agreed: “We now have an invaluable opportunity to revise the history of this war.”

It began twenty days after the president’s speech, at the airport in Hanoi. What the Pentagon dubbed “Operation Homecoming” turned the network news into a nightly patriotic spectacle. Battered camouflage buses conveyed the first sixty men to the planes that would take them to Clark Air Base in the Philippines; a Navy captain named Galand Kramer unfurled a homemade sign out the window, scrawled on a scrap of cloth: GOD BLESS AMERICA & NIXON. The buses emptied; officers shouted out commands in loud American voices to free American men, who marched forth in smart formation, slowing to accommodate comrades on crutches. On the planes, and on TV, they kissed nurses, smoked too many American cigarettes, circulated news magazines with their wives and children on the cover, and drank a pasty white nutrient shake whose taste they didn’t mind, a newsman explained, because it was the first cold drink some of them had had in eight years. On one of the three planes they passed a wriggling puppy from lap to lap. “He was a Communist dog,” explained the Navy commander who smuggled him to freedom in his flight bag, “but not anymore!”

At Clark, the tarmac was thronged by kids in baseball and Boy Scout uniforms, women in lawn chairs with babes in arms, airmen with movie cameras, all jostling one another for a better view of a red carpet that had been borrowed at the last minute from Manila’s InterContinental Hotel because the one Clark used for the usual round of VIPs wasn’t sumptuous enough. In a crisp brocaded dress uniform with captain stripes newly affixed, Navy flier Jeremiah Denton, the first to descend, stood erect before the microphone and pronounced in a slowly swelling voice:

“We are honored to have the opportunity to serve our country—”

(A stately echo: “country–country—country . . .”)

“We are profoundly grateful to our Commander in Chief and our nation for this day.”

(“Day—day—day . . .”)

“God—”

(“God—God—God . . .”)

“Bless—”

(“Bless—bless—bless . . .”)

“America!”

(“America—America—America . . .”)

In days to come cameras lingered on cafeteria trays laden with strawberry pie, steak, corn on the cob, Cornish game hens, ice cream, and eggs. (“Beautiful!” sighed a man in a hospital gown on TV to a fry cook whipping up eggs.) When the men were in Hawaii for refueling on Valentine’s Day, the cameras luxuriated over the nurses who defied orders and broke through the security line to bestow leis on their heroes. Then the cameras followed the men to the base exchange, where a boom mike overheard Captain Kramer gingerly trying on a pair of bell-bottomed pants: “I must say, they’re a little different from what I would normally wear!”

The next stop was Travis Air Force Base in California, where for twelve long years the flag-draped coffins had come home. Now it was the setting for Times Square 1945 images: wives leaping into husbands’ arms; teenagers unabashedly knocking daddies off their feet; seven-year-olds bringing up the rear, sheepish, shuffling—they had never met their fathers before. From there the men shipped out to service hospitals around the country, especially prepared for their return with color TVs and bright yellow bedspreads to mask the metallic hospital tone; once more words like “God—God—God” and “duty—duty—duty” and “honor—honor—honor” and “country—country—country” echoed across airport tarmacs. The first men to touch ground had been given expedited discharge to comfort terminally ill relatives. Press accounts credited at least one mother with a miraculous recovery. Miracles, according to the press, were thick on the ground.

“The first thing she did when she raced to embrace her husband . . . was slip his wedding ring on his finger. The ring, she told reporters, had been sent to her, along with her husband’s wallet. . . .”

“?‘By all rights he should have come out on a stretcher. But he refused and was determined he was going to come out walking.’?”

“When Captain John Nasmyth Jr. landed after years of captivity, a dozen strangers rushed up to him and thrust into his hand metal bracelets bearing his name. The strangers had been wearing the bracelets for as long as two years or more, as amulets of their concern and their faith in his safe return.”

Those bracelets: invented by a right-wing Orange County, California, radio host named Bob Dornan, they became a pop culture phenomena in 1970 after being introduced at a “Salute to the Armed Forces” rally in Los Angeles hosted by Governor Ronald Reagan. By the summer of 1972, they were selling at the rate of some ten thousand per day. Wearers vowed never to remove them until the name stamped on the metal came home. Some, the New York Times reported, believed them to “possess medicinal powers”—and not just the children who displayed them two, ten, a dozen to an arm. A Wimbledon champ said one cured his tennis elbow. The pop singers Sonny and Cher wore them on their hit TV variety show. Lee Trevino insisted his bracelet saved his golf game. And now that they were no longer needed, there was talk of melting them down for a national monument on the Mall in Washington, D.C.

When Captain Nasmyth arrived in his hometown, he was led to a billboard that read HANOI FREE JOHN NASMYTH. He chopped it down with a ceremonial ax, his entire community gathered round as a fifty-three-piece band blared “When Johnny Comes Marching Home.” A black POW addressed a undergraduate classroom at a black university in Tennessee. The students examined him as if they had unearthed, a newspaper said, a “member of a nearly extinct sociological species: American Negro, circa 1966.” He told them, “We have the greatest country in the world.” That made front-page news, too.

One of the most quoted returning warriors was a colonel who noted all the signs reading “We Love You.” “In a deeper sense,” he said, “I think what people are saying is ‘We Love America.’?” Another announced the greatest Vietnam miracle of all: that the POWs had won the Vietnam War. “I want you all to remember that we walked out of Hanoi as winners. We’re not coming home with our tails between our legs. We returned with honor.”

NBC broadcast from a high school in a tiny burg in Iowa—John Wayne’s hometown—where wood shop students fashioned a giant key to the city for a POW native son; then the anchorman threw to his correspondent in the Philippines, who filled five full minutes of airtime calling the names, ranks, service branch, and hometowns of twenty exuberant Americans as they bounded, limped, or, occasionally, were borne upon stretchers, down the red carpet, to their next stop, the base cafeteria. (“Scrambled eggs!” “How many?” “How many can you handle?”) The screen filled with a red-white-and-blue banner. NBC’s Jack Perkins signed off: “The prisoners’ coming back seems the one thing about Vietnam that has finally made all Americans finally, indisputably, feel good.”

Not all Americans. Columnist Pete Hamill, on Valentine’s Day in the liberal New York Post, pointed out that the vast majority of the prisoners were bomber pilots, and thus were “prisoners because they had committed unlawful acts”—killing civilians in an undeclared war. He compared waiting for the POWs to come home to his “waiting for a guy up at Sing Sing one time, who had done hard time for armed robbery.”

There was the New York Times, which in one of its first dispatches from the Philippines reported, “Few military people here felt the return of the prisoners marked the end of the fighting. ‘They’re sending out just as many as come back,’ said a young Air Force corporal who works at the airport. ‘They’re all going to Thailand, they’re just moving the boundaries of the war back.’?”

Not even all POWs agreed they were heroes. When the first Marine to be repatriated arrived at Camp Pendleton, every jarhead and civilian employee on base stood at attention to receive him. After the burst of applause stopped, Edison Miller held up a clenched fist in the manner favored by left-wing revolutionaries, then turned his back to the crowd.

In fact nothing about the return of the POWs was indisputable; the defensiveness of the president’s rhetoric demonstrated that. At a meeting of the executive council of the AFL-CIO in Florida on February 19, Nixon spoke of the “way that our POWs could come off those planes with their heads high, knowing that they had not fought in vain.” The next day, before a joint session of the South Carolina legislature, he answered a Gold Star Mother who wrote to him questioning the meaning of her son’s sacrifice: “I say to the members of this assembly gathered here that James did not die in vain, that the men who went to Vietnam and have served there with honor did not serve in vain, and that our POWs, as they return, did not make the sacrifices they made in vain.”

With honor, not in vain: a whole lot of people must have been worrying otherwise. Or else it wouldn’t have been repeated so much.

“The nation begins again to feel itself whole,” proclaimed Newsweek. Time speculated how “these impressive men who had become symbols of America’s sacrifice in Indochina might help the country heal the lingering wounds of war.” However, some stubbornly refused to be healed. It would take more than a “Pentagon pin-up picture,” a Newsweek reader wrote, to make her forget “that these professional fighting men were trained in the calculated destruction of property and human life.” A Time reader spoke up for his fellow “ex-grunts,” who had received no welcoming parades: “Why were we sneaked back into our society? So our country could more easily forget the crimes we committed in its name?”

TURN ON THE TV, OPEN a newspaper or a dentist-office magazine, and a new journalistic genre was now impossible to avoid: features that affected to explain to these Rip van Winkles all they had missed while incommunicado in prison camps at a time when, as NBC’s gruff senior commentator David Brinkley put it, “a decade now is about equal to what a century used to be, because change is so fast.”

On February 22 the Today show devoted both its hours to the exercise. “Generally, they’ve been years of crisis,” the anchorman began.

A DEMAND EQUALITY sign:

“They walked in picket lines, they badgered congressmen, they formed pressure groups”—Who? The attractive blond newscaster (there weren’t any of those in 1965), whose name was Barbara Walters, was speaking of women, only ordinary women. “They strived for ‘lib,’?” she continued—“as in liberation.”

A mob of long-haired young men:

“Protest, demonstrations, disorders, riots, even death flared” on elite college campuses, where students “didn’t trust anyone over thirty” and contested “the whole fabric of Western Judeo-Christian morality.”

Gene Shalit, Today’s bushy-haired entertainment critic, reported how “federal legislation brought the vote to two million more blacks,” and that “in 1964, when the first POWs were taken in Vietnam, most of us thought that was what was wanted. The phrase most often used was ‘equal opportunity.’ . . . Then came 1967 and a riot in Detroit. . . . There was Malcolm X, a failure in every way according to the ‘white’ code; he became a folk hero among blacks.”

Nineteen new nations, from Bangladesh to Botswana; a war in Israel won in six days—“but terrorism followed”: cue picture of a man in a ski mask on a balcony in Munich, at the 1972 Olympics.

Bonnie and Clyde, the hit movie from 1967, m...

Revue de presse :

“A Rosetta stone for reading America and its politics today…a book that is both enjoyable as kaleidoscopic popular history and telling about our own historical moment…. Epic work.” (Frank Rich New York Times Book Review, listed among the 100 Notable Books of 2014)

“It takes something like a miracle worker to synthesize history — especially recent history — in a way that's coherent, intelligent and compelling.... that's what [Perlstein] does in The Invisible Bridge, his best work yet... He's written something like a national biography, a deep exploration of both the politics and the culture of the late 20th century.... One of the most remarkable literary achievements of the year... The Invisible Bridge covers three years in 800 pages, but somehow, you don't want it to end... As the third book in a series, it makes clear that Perlstein, like Robert A. Caro and H.W. Brands, is one of the most impressive, accomplished writers of history in the country." ( NPR.org, included among the Best Books of 2014)

“Rick Perlstein has established himself as one of our foremost chroniclers of the modern conservative movement… Much of ‘The Invisible Bridge’ is not about politics per se but about American society in all its weird, amusing, and disturbing permutations. He seems to have read every word of every newspaper and magazine published in the 1970s and has mined them for delightful anecdotes…. It would be hard to top it for entertainment value.” ( The Wall Street Journal)

“Enthralling, entertaining…oddly charming and ultimately irresistible.” ( Boston Globe)

“For Americans younger than fifty-five, the story of conservatism has been the dominant political factor in their lives, and Rick Perlstein has become its chief chronicler, across three erudite, entertaining, and increasingly meaty books…. ‘The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan’…finally brings into focus the saga’s leading character, Ronald Reagan…. What gives ‘The Invisible Bridge’ its originality is the way Perlstein embeds Reagan’s familiar biography in the disillusionments of the seventies.” ( The New Yorker)

"’The Invisible Bridge’ is a magnificent and nuanced work because of Perlstein's mastery of context, his ability to highlight not just the major players but more important, a broader sense of national narrative.” (David Ulin The Los Angeles Times, one of his Best Books of 2014)

“Engrossing...invaluable to readers aching to find answers to why the country is so deeply polarized today.” ( The New York Times)

“A mixture of scholarly precision, outrage and wry humor.” ( Pittsburgh Post-Gazette)

“This is gripping material… Perlstein's gift lies in illustrating broad political trends through surprising snapshots of American culture and media.” ( Chicago Reader)

“Rick Perlstein is becoming an American institution...a superb researcher and writer.” ( The New Republic)

“[A] magisterial survey of America during the mid-1970s…in many ways, The Invisible Bridge is Perlstein’s biggest accomplishment…through the accumulation of divergent storylines, a knack for finding telling anecdotes, and a frenzied pace that magnetizes Perlstein’s writing, he manages to create a vivid portrayal of this turbulent epoch…. Perlstein’s true genius lies in his ability to dig out, synthesize, and convey a jagged, multi-layered episode of history in a compelling prose…. Perlstein has again delivered a superb portrayal of American conservatism, crowning him as one of the leading popular historians of our time.” ( Forbes.com)

“Perlstein has an eye for telling detail, understands the potency of American regionalism, and is shrewd about electoral technique and rhetoric. He vividly captures personalities, and his biographical chapter on Reagan is an especially masterful distillation. He is empathetic in entering into his subjects’ perspectives, gifted at recounting the sheer bizarreness of history’s twists and turns.” ( Financial Times)

“Invaluable….Perlstein is among the best young historians working today….His rich, deeply knowledgeable books…tell us almost as much about 21st century developments like the birth of the Tea Party and the current Congress' intractable gridlock as they do about the politics of the 1960s and '70s.” ( San Francisco Chronicle, included among 100 Recommended Books: The Best of 2014)

“Perlstein ranges far beyond political history, in his case touching on just about everything interesting that happened in the United States between 1973 and 1976… The narrative bounces entertainingly and revealingly from high policy to low humor.” ( Washington Post)

"This is an ambitious, wide-ranging, and superbly written account filled with wonderful insights into key players…Perlstein views the rise of Reagan, with his celebration of America’s ‘special destiny’ and moral superiority, as a rejection of a more honest and practical view of our role in the world after the traumas of Vietnam and Watergate. This is a masterful interpretation of years critical to the formation of our current political culture." ( Booklist [starred review])

“To call this book rich in anecdotes is an understatement. Perlstein adopts a you-are-there narrative that gives the reader a sense of what average Americans took in during the turbulent period from Watergate to the 1976 elections… the mini-biography of Reagan nestled in the pages is a page turner, as is Perlstein's climactic account of the nail-biter presidential nominating convention in 1976.” ( Associated Press)

“He tells a great tale, in every sense … It says a lot about the quality of Rick Perlstein's material and storytelling that more than 700 pages into his latest cinder block of ink and tree, I could still keenly relish yet another tasty fact, another aside… Also extraordinary is the writer's herculean research and the many relevant or just colorful items he uses to fill in the edges and corners and form the frame of this sprawling portrait…there's much to enjoy here.” ( Newsday)

“Full of the tragic, the infuriating, and the darkly funny... Outstanding work.” ( Publishers Weekly [starred review], included in the PW Staff's Favorite Books We Read in 2014)

“Sweeping, insightful and richly rewarding…His riveting narrative continues the author’s efforts to chronicle the ascendancy of conservatism in American political life…This is a fascinating, extremely readable account of an important decade in America’s political history.” ( Bookpage)

“A compelling, astute chronicle of the politics and culture of late-20th-century America… Perlstein once again delivers a terrific hybrid biography of a Republican leader and the culture he shaped…Perlstein examines the skeletons in the Reagan, Ford and Carter closets, finds remarkable overlooked details and perfectly captures the dead-heat drama of the Republican convention. Just as deftly, he taps into the consciousness of bicentennial America. He sees this world with fresh eyes.” ( Kirkus [starred review])

“This is certainly one of the most thorough political investigations of this time frame and an important read for scholars of this period. Recommended.” ( Library Journal)

“One of America’s greatest chroniclers of the origins of the modern American right wing.” ( Salon)

"Magisterial." (Farran Smith Nehame Criterion Collection)

"Rick Perlstein skillfully recounts the era that was shaped by the scandal and the way in which the sordid activities of the Nixon administration unfolded on a day-by-day basis." (Julian Zelizer CNN.com)

"A volume on the Reagan presidency surely beckons. If it is as crammed with historical gems as this one, readers will be well served." ( The Economist)

"The author of Nixonland is certain to generate new debates among conservatives and liberals about Reagan’s legacy." ( USA Today)

“A painstakingly crafted illustration of the political landscape that made the improbable inevitable.” ( Entertainment Weekly)

"Magnificent…an extraordinary book, massive in scope and detail, and essential to a complete understanding of our nation’s politics. There are two contemporary historians who must be read by anyone hoping to understand American politics. One is Robert Caro, and the other is Rick Perlstein." ( BookReporter.com)

“Perlstein has an unmatched ability to convey the sense of an era. Even readers who didn’t live through 1970s America will feel as if they did after reading this book.” ( CSMonitor.com)

"Perlstein’s narrative gift allows him to take Reagan’s seeming simplicity and dissecting the layers of complexity that went into crafting it." ( Eclectablog)

“Expansive, rich, and masterful.” ( Los Angeles Review of Books blog)

“Perlstein’s energetic style and omnivorous curiosity about his subject make him a winning narrator… Perlstein deftly captures the wellspring of Reagan’s nature.” ( Dallas Morning News)

“Perlstein knows so very much about American politics, some of it profoundly evocative of lost worlds and pregnant with understanding of our own… What places Perlstein among the indispensable historians of our time is his empathy, his ability to see that the roles of hero and goat, underdog and favorite, oppressor and oppressed are not permanently conferred… It requires such an empathy to reimagine the mid-’70s as a time, rather like our own, when almost nobody looking at the surface of day-to-day life was able to take the full measure of the resentment boiling just underneath it." ( Bookforum)

“The twists and turns along the way are more than worth the ride by anyone interested in high-level politics and intrigue as well as those with a bent toward the cultural side of the dreary—and violent—seventies. And let’s face it: anyone who can keep a reader’s attention in a tome that covers only three years (1973 to 1976) in over 800 pages deserves some kudos.” ( Origins)

“Perlstein’s achievement, both in this volume and the series as a whole, is impressive. The research is prodigious, the prose vivid, and one can only imagine what his treatment of Reagan’s presidency will bring….. Perlstein covers a great deal of ground masterfully." ( NationalMemo.com)

“A lovely book that I paged through hungrily.” ( MotherJones.com)

“Perlstein’s work is important for his collection, curation, and analysis…. For those wondering where and when the seeds of the modern right wing first started to sprout, this is the place to look.” (Best Books of 2014 PublishersWeekly.com)

“[A] vast and engrossing new history of the ‘70s.” ( Salon.com)

“If you haven’t read it, Rick Perlstein’s latest volume on the rise of the conservative movement, “The Invisible Bridge,” is worth a look. It focuses on the fall of Richard Nixon and the rise of Ronald Reagan. Perlstein takes us back to the chaos of the mid-1970s, remembered now, in political terms, mostly for Watergate. But he makes vivid other events of those very troubling times: gas shortages, rampant inflation, domestic terrorism and the ignominious end of the Vietnam War.” ( WashingtonPost.com, included in The Fix's Best Political Books of 2014)

“A rip-roaring chronicle….an exhaustive and kaleidoscopic picture of what it felt like to be an American from early 1973 when the prisoners of war began coming home from Vietnam to Ronald Reagan’s failed effort to capture the Republican presidential nomination in August 1976.” ( The American Prospect)

“Filled with startling insights…. In blending cultural with political history, “The Invisible Bridge” strikes me as an obvious addition to any list of nonfiction masterpieces.” ( Salon.com)

The Invisible Bridge is even more compulsively readable than the previous two volumes in the series.” ( Washington Monthly)

“A fascinating look at how the GOP was transformed in the Ford and Rockefeller years into the party it is today.” ( Toledo Blade)

“Witty look at the high-voltage politics and culture of the early ’70s." ( Kansas City Star, 100 Best Books of 2014)

“As pointed out in Rick Perlstein’s magnificent new book, The Invisible Bridge, Ronald Reagan had instituted a cult of America’s innocence.” ( Politic365)

"Perlstein’s deep research–especially into the newspapers and magazines of that time–is artfully arranged and written." ( The Satirist)

"A masterful volume of American political history…. A rich cultural and political history of a fascinating moment in American politics.” ( Choice)

The Invisible Bridge, by Rick Perlstein, about Reagan and the rise of the conservative movement, has got that big sweep of history.” ( Mother Jones)

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Description du livre SIMON SCHUSTER, United States, 2015. Paperback. État : New. Reprint. 229 x 152 mm. Language: English . Brand New Book. In January of 1973 Richard Nixon announced the end of the Vietnam War and prepared for a triumphant second term-until televised Watergate hearings revealed his White House as little better than a mafia den. The next president declared upon Nixon s resignation our long national nightmare is over -but then congressional investigators exposed the CIA for assassinating foreign leaders. The collapse of the South Vietnamese government rendered moot the sacrifice of some 58,000 American lives. The economy was in tatters. And as Americans began thinking about their nation in a new way-as one more nation among nations, no more providential than any other-the pundits declared that from now on successful politicians would be the ones who honoured this chastened new national mood. Ronald Reagan never got the message. Which was why, when he announced his intention to challenge President Ford for the 1976 Republican nomination, those same pundits dismissed him-until, amazingly, it started to look like he just might win.He was inventing the new conservative political culture we know now, in which a vision of patriotism rooted in a sense of American limits was derailed in America s Bicentennial year by the rise of the smiling politician from Hollywood. Against a backdrop of melodramas from the Arab oil embargo to Patty Hearst to the near-bankruptcy of America s greatest city, The Invisible Bridge asks the question: what does it mean tobelieve in America? To wave a flag-or to reject the glibness of the flag wavers?. N° de réf. du libraire AA89781476782423

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Description du livre SIMON SCHUSTER, United States, 2015. Paperback. État : New. Reprint. 229 x 152 mm. Language: English . Brand New Book. In January of 1973 Richard Nixon announced the end of the Vietnam War and prepared for a triumphant second term-until televised Watergate hearings revealed his White House as little better than a mafia den. The next president declared upon Nixon s resignation our long national nightmare is over -but then congressional investigators exposed the CIA for assassinating foreign leaders. The collapse of the South Vietnamese government rendered moot the sacrifice of some 58,000 American lives. The economy was in tatters. And as Americans began thinking about their nation in a new way-as one more nation among nations, no more providential than any other-the pundits declared that from now on successful politicians would be the ones who honoured this chastened new national mood. Ronald Reagan never got the message. Which was why, when he announced his intention to challenge President Ford for the 1976 Republican nomination, those same pundits dismissed him-until, amazingly, it started to look like he just might win.He was inventing the new conservative political culture we know now, in which a vision of patriotism rooted in a sense of American limits was derailed in America s Bicentennial year by the rise of the smiling politician from Hollywood. Against a backdrop of melodramas from the Arab oil embargo to Patty Hearst to the near-bankruptcy of America s greatest city, The Invisible Bridge asks the question: what does it mean tobelieve in America? To wave a flag-or to reject the glibness of the flag wavers?. N° de réf. du libraire AA89781476782423

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Description du livre État : New. Depending on your location, this item may ship from the US or UK. N° de réf. du libraire 97814767824230000000

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6.

Perlstein, Rick
Edité par Simon & Schuster (2015)
ISBN 10 : 1476782423 ISBN 13 : 9781476782423
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Description du livre Simon & Schuster, 2015. État : New. A dazzling portrait of America on the verge of a nervous breakdown in the tumultuous political and economic times of the 1970s. Num Pages: 880 pages. BIC Classification: 1KBB; 3JJPL; HBJK; HBLW3; JPHL. Category: (G) General (US: Trade). Dimension: 155 x 250 x 42. Weight in Grams: 922. . 2015. Reprint. Paperback. . . . . . N° de réf. du libraire V9781476782423

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7.

Rick Perlstein
ISBN 10 : 1476782423 ISBN 13 : 9781476782423
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Ria Christie Collections
(Uxbridge, Royaume-Uni)
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Description du livre Paperback. État : New. Not Signed; In January of 1973 Richard Nixon announced the end of the Vietnam War and prepared for a triumphant second term-until televised Watergate hearings revealed his White House as little better than a mafia den. The next president declared upon Nixon's resignation our long national nightmare is over -bu. book. N° de réf. du libraire ria9781476782423_rkm

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8.

Perlstein, Rick
Edité par Simon & Schuster
ISBN 10 : 1476782423 ISBN 13 : 9781476782423
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Kennys Bookstore
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Description du livre Simon & Schuster. État : New. A dazzling portrait of America on the verge of a nervous breakdown in the tumultuous political and economic times of the 1970s. Num Pages: 880 pages. BIC Classification: 1KBB; 3JJPL; HBJK; HBLW3; JPHL. Category: (G) General (US: Trade). Dimension: 155 x 250 x 42. Weight in Grams: 922. . 2015. Reprint. Paperback. . . . . Books ship from the US and Ireland. N° de réf. du libraire V9781476782423

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9.

Rick Perlstein
Edité par Simon & Schuster
ISBN 10 : 1476782423 ISBN 13 : 9781476782423
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Description du livre Simon & Schuster. Paperback. État : new. BRAND NEW, The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan, Rick Perlstein, In January of 1973 Richard Nixon announced the end of the Vietnam War and prepared for a triumphant second term-until televised Watergate hearings revealed his White House as little better than a mafia den. The next president declared upon Nixon's resignation "our long national nightmare is over"-but then congressional investigators exposed the CIA for assassinating foreign leaders. The collapse of the South Vietnamese government rendered moot the sacrifice of some 58,000 American lives. The economy was in tatters. And as Americans began thinking about their nation in a new way-as one more nation among nations, no more providential than any other-the pundits declared that from now on successful politicians would be the ones who honoured this chastened new national mood. Ronald Reagan never got the message. Which was why, when he announced his intention to challenge President Ford for the 1976 Republican nomination, those same pundits dismissed him-until, amazingly, it started to look like he just might win.He was inventing the new conservative political culture we know now, in which a vision of patriotism rooted in a sense of American limits was derailed in America's Bicentennial year by the rise of the smiling politician from Hollywood. Against a backdrop of melodramas from the Arab oil embargo to Patty Hearst to the near-bankruptcy of America's greatest city, The Invisible Bridge asks the question: what does it mean tobelieve in America? To wave a flag-or to reject the glibness of the flag wavers?. N° de réf. du libraire B9781476782423

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10.

Perlstein, Rick
Edité par Simon & Schuster
ISBN 10 : 1476782423 ISBN 13 : 9781476782423
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Mediaoutlet12345
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Description du livre Simon & Schuster. PAPERBACK. État : New. 1476782423 *BRAND NEW* Ships Same Day or Next!. N° de réf. du libraire NATARAJB1FI771800

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