The Ottoman Endgame: War, Revolution and the Making of the Modern Middle East, 1908-1923

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9781846147050: The Ottoman Endgame: War, Revolution and the Making of the Modern Middle East, 1908-1923
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A NOTE ON DATES, NAMES, TRANSLATION, AND TRANSLITERATION

Until the Bolsheviks switched over to the Gregorian calendar in 1918, Russia followed the Julian, which was thirteen days behind by 1914. The Ottoman Empire traditionally used a modified version of the Islamic lunar calendar, with years dated from the time of Muhammad’s exodus from Mecca (hejira) in AD 622—although it switched over to the Julian version of solar calendar dates in the nineteenth century (except for Muslim religious holidays, which still, to this day, are dated by the old lunar calendar). To keep things simple, I have used Gregorian dates consistently throughout the text, with the exception of certain major pre-1918 dates in Russian history, which Russian history buffs may know by the “old” dates, in which case I have given both dates with a slash, as in March 1/14, 1917, where 1 is the Julian and 14 the Gregorian date.

For Russian-language words, I have employed a simplified Library of Congress transliteration system throughout, with the exception of commonly used spellings of famous surnames (e.g., Yudenich, not Iudenich; Trotsky, not Trotskii). I have also left out “soft” and “hard” signs from the main text, so as not to burden the reader.

With regard to Turkish spellings, I have generally rendered the “c” phonetically as “dj” (as in Djavid and Djemal) and used the dotless ? where appropriate (it sounds a bit like “uh”) to differentiate from the Turkish “i,” which sounds like “ee.” Likewise, I have tried to properly render ? (sh) and ç (ch) to help readers puzzle out pronunciations, even if these letters are really post-1928 concoctions of Atatürk’s language reforms. With Arabic names, I have used the most widely known Western variants (thus Hussein, not al-Husayn ibn ‘Ali al-Hashimi, and Ibn Saud, not ‘Abd al-Aziz ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Saud). It is impossible to be consistent in all these things; may common sense prevail.

With apologies to any Turkish readers, I have referred to the Ottoman capital consistently as Constantinople, not Istanbul, unless referring to the present-day city, because it was so called by contemporaries, including Ottoman government officials. Likewise, I have followed the transition in nomenclature from St. Petersburg to Petrograd after Russia went to war with Germany in 1914 (luckily, we do not have to reckon with “Leningrad” in the bounds of this narrative). With “lesser” cities and other place-names, I have used the contemporary form, affixing the current equivalent in parentheses, thus “Adrianople (Edirne)” and “Üsküp (Skopje).” Antique geographic terms used by Europeans but not by the Ottomans, such as Palestine, Cilicia, and Mesopotamia, I have generally deployed in the manner they were used in diplomatic gamesmanship (which is to say without precise territorial definition, as there was not any). The maps should, in any case, help readers clear up these vexatious questions to the extent this is possible.

All translations from the French, German, Russian, and Turkish, unless otherwise noted, are my own.

LIST OF MAPS

Map 1 The Ottoman Empire, circa 1876

Map 2 The Russo-Ottoman War of 1877–78 in the Balkans

Map 3 The Balkans: Primary Ethno-linguistic Groups

Map 4 Territorial Changes Resulting from the First and Second Balkan Wars

Map 5 The Flight of the Goeben

Map 6 The Black Sea: The Ottoman Strike, October 1914

Map 7 Mesopotamia and the Gulf Region

Map 8 Sar?kam??, 1914–15

Map 9 Suez and Sinai, 1915

Map 10 Alexandretta and Cilicia: The British Path Not Taken in 1915

Map 11 The Dardanelles Campaign

Map 12 The Gallipoli Campaign

Map 13 Turkish Armenia and the Caucasian Front: Key Flashpoints in 1915

Map 14 The Mesopotamian Campaign

Map 15 The Erzurum Campaign

Map 16 The Partition of the Ottoman Empire by Sazonov, Sykes, and Picot, 1916

Map 17 The Black Sea: Operations 1916–17

Map 18 The Hejaz, Palestine, and Syria

Map 19 The Mesopotamian Campaign

Map 20 Brest-Litovsk: The Poisoned Chalice

Map 21 Post-Ottoman Borders According to the Treaty of Sèvres of August 1920

Map 22 The Greco-Turkish War, 1919–22

Map 23 The Turkish National Pact of 1920 and the Lausanne Treaty of 1923

INTRODUCTION: THE SYKES-PICOT MYTH AND THE MODERN MIDDLE EAST

NINETY-TWO YEARS AFTER its dissolution by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the Ottoman Empire is in the news again. Scarcely a day goes by without some media mention of the contested legacy of the First World War in the Middle East, with borders drawn then being redrawn now in the wake of the Syrian civil war and the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq, Syria, and the Levant (or whatever its latest territorial iteration). “Is It the End of Sykes-Picot?” asked Patrick Cockburn in the London Review of Books, assuming that his readers will have heard of the two men who (it is said) negotiated the agreement to partition the Ottoman Empire between Britain and France.1 As the war’s centennial arrived in 2014, “Sykes-Picot” moved beyond historical trivia to the realm of cliché, a shorthand explanation for the latest upheaval in the Middle East that rolls easily off every tongue.

From the ubiquity of media reference to them, one might suppose that Sir Mark Sykes and Georges Picot were the only actors of consequence on the Ottoman theater in the First World War, and Britain and France the only relevant parties to the disposition of Ottoman territory, reaching agreement on the subject in (so Google or Wikipedia informs us) anno domini 1916. As glibly summarized by the Claude Rains character in David Lean’s classic film Lawrence of Arabia, the gist of the traditional story is that “Mark Sykes [was] a British civil servant. Monsieur Picot [was] a French civil servant. Mr. Sykes and Monsieur Picot met and they agreed that, after the war, France and England would share the [Ottoman] empire, including Arabia.”2

The popular resonance of the Sykes-Picot legend is not difficult to understand. In our postcolonial age, imperialism and long-dead imperialists are easy targets on whom one can safely assign blame for current problems. Sykes and Picot are stand-ins for the sins of Britain and France, whose centuries-long project of colonial expansion reached its final apogee with the planting of the Union Jack and the French tricolor in the Arab Middle East, where it all (by a kind of poetic justice, some would say) began to go horribly wrong. Britain’s backing of Zionism in the Balfour Declaration of 1917 was, in this dramatic tale of hubris followed by nemesis, a step too far, which awakened Arabs from a centuries-long slumber to rise up against the latter-day Crusaders—Europeans and Israelis alike—who had seized their lands. The more recent rise of pan-Islamic movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, Hezbollah, al-Qaeda, and the Islamic State—groups that all strive to erase artificial, European-imposed state boundaries—now appears to be putting the final nails in the coffin of Sykes-Picot.

It is a seductive story, simple, compact, elegant, and easy to understand. But the Claude Rains summary of Sykes-Picot bears little resemblance to the history on which it is ostensibly based. The partition of the Ottoman Empire was not settled bilaterally by two British and French diplomats in 1916, but rather at a multinational peace conference in Lausanne, Switzerland, in 1923, following a conflict that had lasted nearly twelve years going back to the Italian invasion of Ottoman Tripoli (Libya) in 1911 and the two Balkan Wars of 1912–13. Neither Sykes nor Picot played any role worth mentioning at Lausanne, at which the dominant figure looming over the proceedings was Mustafa Kemal, the Turkish nationalist whose armies had just defeated Greece and (by extension) Britain in yet another war lasting from 1919 through 1922. Even in 1916, the year ostensibly defined for the ages by their secret partition agreement, Sykes and Picot played second and third fiddle, respectively, to a Russian foreign minister, Sergei Sazonov, who was the real driving force behind the carve-up of the Ottoman Empire, a Russian project par excellence, and recognized as such by the British and French when they were first asked to sign off on Russian partition plans as early as March–April 1915. None of the most notorious post-Ottoman borders—those separating Palestine from (Trans) Jordan and Syria, or Syria from Iraq, or Iraq from Kuwait—were drawn by Sykes and Picot in 1916. Even the boundaries they did sketch out that year, such as those that were to separate the British, French, and Russian zones in Mesopotamia and Persia, were jettisoned after the war (Mosul in northern Iraq, most famously, was originally assigned to the French, until the British decided they wanted its oil fields). After the Russians signed a separate peace with the Germans at Brest-Litovsk in 1918, the entire zone assigned to Russia in 1916 was taken away and thereafter expunged from historical memory. To replace the departed Russians, the United States (in a long-forgotten episode of American history) was enjoined to take up the broadest Ottoman mandates, encompassing much of present-day Turkey—only for Congress to balk on ratifying the postwar treaties. With the United States and Communist Russia bowing out of the game, Italy and Greece were invited to claim their share of the Ottoman carcass, only for both to later sign away their territorial gains to Mustafa Kemal entirely without reference to the Sykes-Picot Agreement. Nor was there so much as a mention in the 1916 partition agreement of the Saudi dynasty, which, following its conquest of the Islamic holy cities of Mecca and Medina, has ruled formerly Ottoman Arabia since 1924.

The Ottoman Empire had endured for more than six centuries before it was finally broken against the anvil of the First World War. From 1517 to 1924 (but for a brief interregnum from 1802 to 1813 when Wahhabi insurgents had taken over), the sultans had ruled over the Islamic holy places of Arabia, granting them legitimacy, in the eyes of the Muslim faithful, as caliphs of Islam. The Ottoman sultans gave their millions of subjects, in turn, a common identity and pride in belonging to a great empire, pride held above all by Muslims but also shared, to some extent, by the empire’s large Jewish and Christian minorities, who depended on the sultan for protection. A great deal more was therefore at stake in the Ottoman wars of 1911–23 than the mere disposition of real estate.

Journalists are not wrong to search out the roots of today’s Middle Eastern problems in early twentieth-century history. But the real historical record is richer and far more dramatic than the myth. We must move beyond the Sykes-Picot myth if we are to understand the impact of the First World War on this vast region, on which it left physical traces from Gallipoli to Erzurum to Gaza to Baghdad. The Ottoman fronts stretched across three continents and three oceans, embroiling not only Britain and France but all the other European Great Powers (and a few smaller ones)—and, of course, the Ottomans themselves.

So far from a sideshow to the First World War, the Ottoman theater was central to both the outbreak of European war in 1914 and the peace settlement that truly ended it. The War of the Ottoman Succession, as we might call the broader conflict stretching from 1911 to 1923, was an epic struggle, as seen in the larger-than-life figures it made famous—Ismail Enver, Ahmed Djemal, and Mehmed Talât, the three “Young Turk” triumvirs; Kaiser Wilhelm II, Admiral Wilhelm Souchon, and Otto Liman von Sanders on the German side; Kitchener, Churchill, T. E. Lawrence, and Lloyd George in Britain; Sergei Sazonov, Grand Duke Nicholas, Nikolai Yudenich, and Alexander Kolchak in Russia; Sherif Hussein of Mecca and his sons Feisal and Abdullah, along with Ibn Saud, in Arabia; Eleftherios Venizelos and King Constantine in Greece; and not least Kâz?m Karabekir, Ismet Inönü, and Mustafa Kemal as fathers of the Republic of Turkey. It was not Sykes and Picot but these far greater men who forged the modern Middle East in the crucible of war. A century later, with the opening of the last archives of the period, their story can be told in full.

PROLOGUE

SEPTEMBER 7, 1876

________

FROM EVERY CORNER OF THE EMPIRE they came to witness the ceremony. The streets were aglow with the colorful costumes of the empire—red conical fezzes with black silk tassels, white turbans, Arab-style keffiyehs, alongside the elegant formal wear of European diplomats. Witnesses claimed that a hundred thousand souls lined the waterfront, craning to catch a glimpse of the sovereign-to-be as he was rowed in his white-and-gold caïque from the Bosphorus past the teeming multitudes on the Galata Bridge. After docking on the Golden Horn, the thirty-four-year-old heir mounted his white charger and rode through the Imperial Guard to Eyüp mosque, the most sacred in the empire, built by Mehmet the Conqueror after the fall of Constantinople in 1453. Here, beneath the silver shrine to the Prophet’s standard bearer, who fell during the Arab siege of the city in 670, Abdul Hamid II was girded with the Sword of Osman, empowering him as the thirty-fourth sultan of the empire and (following the conquest of the holy places in 1517) twenty-sixth Ottoman caliph of the Islamic faithful.

While most observers agreed that the new sultan conducted himself with great dignity during the proceedings, there were discordant notes that seemed to bode poorly for his reign. Physically, Abdul Hamid was so unprepossessing that the Sword of Osman seemed to dwarf his slight frame. The much taller Sheikh-ul-Islam who invested him with the sword had to bend over sharply in order to kiss the sultan on the left shoulder, as required by tradition. Other portentous incidents transpired elsewhere in the city, where crowding on the Galata Bridge caused it to partially collapse nearly four feet, and to very nearly sink into the Golden Horn. Just a stone’s throw away, a cable snapped in the underground funicular tram linking the quay with Pera, the European quarter up on the hill.1

More ominous still was the news from Europe. The previous October, then-sultan Abdul Aziz, bankrupted by the compounding interest on his own palace extravagances, had suspended payments on Ottoman bond coupons, a default that had alienated thousands of bondholders, of whom a large and vocal number were to be found in Paris and London. When a Christian uprising spread across Ottoman-ruled territory in the Balkans, the government (generally called the Sublime Porte) thus found itself bereft of sympathy. It tried to douse the flames of Balkan unrest, sending in irregular Circassians (the Bashi-Bazouks) in part because pay to the regular army was in arrears. By summer 1876, stories of horrendous atrocities had spread across Europe. Coming out of retirement to chastise the British government of Benjamin Disraeli for its indifference, the former prime minister William Ewart Gladstone worked him...

Revue de presse :

 “A sweeping account…The most original and passionately written parts concern the fight between Russians and Turks in eastern Anatolia and the Caucasus. Two things distinguish Mr. McMeekin from many other writers in English about this period. First, he has a deep empathy with Turkish concerns, and he hews closer to the official Turkish line than to the revisionist, self-critical approach taken by some courageous Turkish liberals. Second, he has some unusual insights into imperial Russian thinking, based on study of the tsarist archives…[Mr. McMeekin] brings some useful correctives into focus.”— The Economist
“Using previously unknown sources from Ottoman and Russian archives, [McMeekin] denounces the notion that the Middle East as we know it today is a legacy of World War I and Anglo-French decisions in the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916. He argues that events far richer and more intricate caused the end of the empire…[A] valuable academic work.” —Library Journal 

“Magisterial…Giving events in the Ottoman theater the same attention to detail usually reserved for the Western front, McMeekin argues that principals on all sides were stymied by myopic preconceptions as the war gained steam, with movements on the ground easily overcoming any pretense of rational planning…McMeekin’s gripping narrative style and literary panache make this work an attractive resource for anyone looking to further understand the destruction and dislocation in Asia Minor that ushered in the modern age.” —Publishers Weekly, starred review
 
“Thought-provoking…McMeekin observes early on that there's much more to [the] story than the smoothly duplicitous diplomacy that makes up the last hour of Lawrence of Arabia and much more than T.E. Lawrence himself…Thriving on untold stories, McMeekin looks at the punctuated collapse of the Ottoman Empire in Eastern Europe and its momentary successes following the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, which had the effect of exposing rivalries between the Ottomans and their German allies that almost resulted in war on yet another front. The author also gives a lucid account of the geneses of secular governments in what became Turkey and those of more theocratically or autocratically inclined ones in the neighboring former provinces…Vigorous and accessible.” —Kirkus

“A well-timed, well-researched exploration of the empire whose dissolution continues to complicate making sense of the contemporary Middle East. Herein are explanations of how modern Turkey, Iraq, and Syria came to be, as well as how the division of the rest of the region affected its future. Scholars and practitioners alike will benefit from reading it.”-Henry Kissinger 
 

“Where conventional histories of World War One focus on the trench warfare in the West, Sean McMeekin, combining ground breaking archival research with a genius for historical narrative, tells the story of the war in the East. From the Bolshevik Revolution to the Armenian Genocide, McMeekin weaves the dramatic and world shaking events of one of history’s greatest conflicts into a compelling and original story. As characters like Leon Trotsky, Kemal Ataturk and Winston Churchill stride — or in some cases, slink — across these pages, readers will see some of history’s most important events from a fresh perspective. There are many histories of World War One; few are as important or as readable as this one.”-Walter Russell Mead
 

“Sean McMeekin’s The Ottoman Endgame pleases like a mouthful of Turkish delight, the flavors, scents and views of the old empire combining in a gripping new history that plunges the Turkish Empire into the Great War and locates Constantinople not at the edge of the conflict but at its very heart. McMeekin pulls all of the familiar but disconnected threads together in a stunningly original way: the Young Turks, the Balkan Wars, the German alliance, Gallipoli, Iraq, the vast, forgotten battles with the Russians in the snowy Caucasus, the Armenian genocide, the naval struggle on the Black Sea, and the frothy legend of Lawrence of Arabia. The crucial influence of these far-reaching Turkish campaigns on World War I and its aftermath emerges in McMeekin’s wry, delightful book, which fills in a neglected face of the war and traces the emergence of the modern Middle East.” -Geoffrey Wawro, author of  A Mad Catastrophe: The Outbreak of World War I and the Collapse of the Habsburg Empire and  Quicksand: America’s Pursuit of Power in the Middle East
 

“A real feat of historical scholarship, offering genuinely new interpretations and fresh insights into the origins of the modern Middle East.”-Roger Crowley, author of  1453: The Holy War for Constantinople and the Clash of Islam and the West
 

“McMeekin synthesizes an impressive amount of fresh material from across Europe’s archives in this balanced and  perceptive analysis of the twelve-year War of Ottoman Succession, between 1911, and 1923, that ended an empire after six centuries; redrew the map and reshaped the culture of the Middle East; and almost tangentially played a crucial  role in the outbreak of World War I and the peace that—temporarily—concluded it.”-Dennis Showalter, professor of history, Colorado College 
 

“Sean McMeekin has an infernal panorama to describe, as, over twelve years, the Ottoman Empire fell apart, giving us problems that have gone on to this day. The subject has found a writer with all the linguistic and scholarly qualifications to do it justice.”-Norman Stone, author of  Turkey: A Short History 
 

“A tour de force. Using an unprecedented array of new sources—German, Russian, Turkish, French and British—Sean McMeekin not only describes a key aspect of the First World War but also provides a key to the tragedy of the Middle East today.”-Philip Mansel, author of  Levant: Splendour and Catastrophe on the Mediterranean

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Sean McMeekin
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Description du livre Penguin Books Ltd, United Kingdom, 2015. Hardback. État : New. 240 x 162 mm. Language: English . Brand New Book. An outstanding history .one of the best writers on the First World War Simon Sebag Montefiore Shortlisted for the Duke of Westminster Medal for Military Literature The Ottoman Endgame is the first, and definitive, single-volume history of the Ottoman empire s agonising war for survival. Beginning with Italy s invasion of Ottoman Tripoli in September 1911, the Empire was in a permanent state of emergency, with hardly a frontier not under direct threat. Assailed by enemies on all sides, the Empire-which had for generations been assumed to be a rotten shell-proved to be strikingly resilient, beating off major attacks at Gallipoli and in Mesopotamia before finally being brought down in the general ruin of the Central Powers in 1918. As the Europeans planned to partition all its lands between them and with even Istanbul seemingly helpless in the face of the triumphant Entente, an absolutely unexpected entity emerged: modern Turkey. Under the startling genius of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, a powerful new state emerged from the Empire s fragments. This is the first time an author has woven the entire epic together from start to finish - and it will cause many readers to fundamentally re-evaluate their understanding of the conflict. The consequences, well into the 21st century, could not have been more momentous - with countries as various as Serbia, Greece, Libya, Armenia, Iraq and Syria still living with them. N° de réf. du libraire KNV9781846147050

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Description du livre État : New. Publisher/Verlag: Penguin UK | The Ottoman Endgame is the first, and definitive, single-volume history of the Ottoman empire's decade-long war for survival. Beginning with Italy's invasion of Ottoman Tripoli in September 1911, the opening salvo in what would soon spiral into a European conflict, the book concludes with the establishment of Turkish independence in the Treaty of Lausanne, 1923. This is the first time an author has woven the entire epic together from start to finish - and it will cause many readers to fundamentally reevaluate their understanding of the conflict. The consequences, well into the 21st century, could not have been more momentous. | Format: Hardback | Language/Sprache: english | 1015 gr | 240x162x37 mm | 336 pp. N° de réf. du libraire K9781846147050

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Description du livre Penguin Books Ltd, United Kingdom, 2015. Hardback. État : New. 240 x 162 mm. Language: English . Brand New Book. An outstanding history .one of the best writers on the First World War Simon Sebag Montefiore Shortlisted for the Duke of Westminster Medal for Military Literature The Ottoman Endgame is the first, and definitive, single-volume history of the Ottoman empire s agonising war for survival. Beginning with Italy s invasion of Ottoman Tripoli in September 1911, the Empire was in a permanent state of emergency, with hardly a frontier not under direct threat. Assailed by enemies on all sides, the Empire-which had for generations been assumed to be a rotten shell-proved to be strikingly resilient, beating off major attacks at Gallipoli and in Mesopotamia before finally being brought down in the general ruin of the Central Powers in 1918. As the Europeans planned to partition all its lands between them and with even Istanbul seemingly helpless in the face of the triumphant Entente, an absolutely unexpected entity emerged: modern Turkey. Under the startling genius of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, a powerful new state emerged from the Empire s fragments. This is the first time an author has woven the entire epic together from start to finish - and it will cause many readers to fundamentally re-evaluate their understanding of the conflict. The consequences, well into the 21st century, could not have been more momentous - with countries as various as Serbia, Greece, Libya, Armenia, Iraq and Syria still living with them. N° de réf. du libraire KNV9781846147050

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Description du livre Allen Lane Penguin UK Okt 2015, 2015. Buch. État : Neu. 240x162x37 mm. Neuware - A history of the final years of the Ottoman Empire, beginning with Italy's invasion of Ottoman Tripoli in 1911 and concluding with the establishment of Turkish independence in 1923. 336 pp. Englisch. N° de réf. du libraire 9781846147050

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