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Preface to the Second Edition........................................................................................................................................................ixAcknowledgments......................................................................................................................................................................xiIntroduction Richard Steinberg and Walter W. Powell.................................................................................................................................1Part I History and Scope of the Nonprofit Sector1 The Nonprofit Sector in Historical Perspective: Traditions of Philanthropy in the West Kevin C. Robbins...........................................................................132 A Historical Overview of Philanthropy, Voluntary Associations, and Nonprofit Organizations in the United States, 1600-2000 Peter Dobkin Hall......................................323 Scope and Dimensions of the Nonprofit Sector Elizabeth T. Boris and C. Eugene Steuerle............................................................................................664 The Nonprofit Sector in Comparative Perspective Helmut K. Anheier and Lester M. Salamon...........................................................................................89Part II Nonprofits and the Marketplace5 Economic Theories of Nonprofit Organizations Richard Steinberg....................................................................................................................1176 Nonprofit Organizations and the Market Eleanor Brown and Al Slivinski.............................................................................................................1407 Work in the Nonprofit Sector Laura Leete..........................................................................................................................................1598 Collaboration between Corporations and Nonprofit Organizations Joseph Galaskiewicz and Michelle Sinclair Colman...................................................................180Part III Nonprofits and the Polity9 The Constitution of Citizens: Political Theories of Nonprofit Organizations Elisabeth S. Clemens..................................................................................20710 Scope and Theory of Government-Nonprofit Relations Steven Rathgeb Smith and Kirsten A. Grnbjerg.................................................................................22111 The Legal Framework for Nonprofit Organizations Evelyn Brody.....................................................................................................................24312 The Federal Tax Treatment of Charitable Organizations John Simon, Harvey Dale, and Laura Chisolm.................................................................................26713 Nonprofit Organizations and Political Advocacy J. Craig Jenkins..................................................................................................................30714 International Nongovernmental Organizations John Boli............................................................................................................................333Part IV Key Activities in the Nonprofit Sector15 Foundations Kenneth Prewitt......................................................................................................................................................35516 Nonprofit Organizations and Health Care: Some Paradoxes of Persistent Scrutiny Mark Schlesinger and Bradford H. Gray.............................................................37817 Social Care and the Nonprofit Sector in the Western Developed World Jeremy Kendall, Martin Knapp, and Julien Forder..............................................................41518 Nonprofit Organizations and the Intersectoral Division of Labor in the Arts Paul DiMaggio........................................................................................43219 Higher Education: Evolving Forms and Emerging Markets Patricia J. Gumport and Stuart K. Snydman..................................................................................46220 Religion and the Nonprofit Sector Wendy Cadge and Robert Wuthnow..................................................................................................................48521 Nonprofit Community Organizations in Poor Urban Settings: Bridging Institutional Gaps for Youth Sarah Deschenes, Milbrey McLaughlin, and Jennifer O'Donoghue.....................506Part V Who Participates in the Nonprofit Sector and Why?22 Nonprofit Membership Associations Mary Tschirhart................................................................................................................................52323 Charitable Giving: How Much, by Whom, to What, and How? John J. Havens, Mary A. O'Herlihy, and Paul G. Schervish.................................................................54224 Why Do People Give? Lise Vesterlund..............................................................................................................................................568Part VI Mission and Governance25 Nonprofit Mission: Constancy, Responsiveness, or Deflection? Debra C. Minkoff and Walter W. Powell...............................................................................59126 Governance: Research Trends, Gaps, and Future Prospects Francie Ostrower and Melissa M. Stone....................................................................................61227 Commercial Activity, Technological Change, and Nonprofit Mission Howard P. Tuckman and Cyril F. Chang............................................................................629About the Contributors...............................................................................................................................................................645Index................................................................................................................................................................................651
KEVIN C. ROBBINS
Although it can be claimed that the formation of a distinct nonprofit sector is a comparatively recent achievement in the political economy of modern Western states, the actors, values, and institutions driving that process forward have a long and neglected history. It is the purpose of this chapter to survey that history selectively, interconnecting those key agents of change over time that have contributed to forming major parts of the nonprofit sector as it now exists in the United States and abroad. This chapter also explores how ancient and innovative forms of Western philanthropy have shaped and continue to inform the operations of charitable organizations within the modern nonprofit sector. Few scholars have subjected historic forms of philanthropy to long-term comparative analysis (Moreau-Christophe 1851; Lallemand 1906-1912). However, the huge archives that charitable actors and institutions created and carefully preserved in the past are now attracting more and more attention from historians (Hall 1988; Himmelfarb 1991). These inquiries are fueled by new sets of questions historians ask that link past charitable practices to modern philanthropic movements.
Modern charitable nonprofit organizations owe their inception and continued support to the public-spirited generosity of philanthropists who feel that contributions to the commonwealth are spiritual or moral imperatives. Historians want to know what are the deeper religious and ethical wellsprings of this benevolent behavior over time. In many Western and developed countries, large majorities of the population (up to 70 percent) make regular charitable donations (Lane, Saxon-Harrold, and Weber 1994). Significant proportions of these residents (up to 25 percent) also volunteer their time and energy to serve others. What key forces over time impelled such large numbers of people to behave so charitably?
Philanthropic agencies seek to sustain the integrity of the communities they serve by enhancement of the general quality of life and provision for the misfortunate, marginalized, and disenfranchised. How did charitable actions in the past gain this inclusive and specifically civic character aimed at the expansion of civil rights? Organized charitable activity is now very lawful, carefully regulated by federal and state governments. Lawmakers regularly work in close partnership with private philanthropic entities to achieve socioeconomic or sociocultural reforms, often across international borders. How did prior states over the span of Western civilization police, discipline, and direct the charitable impulses of their citizens? With the rise of the state in the West, how did private philanthropists apply their donations to serve what they perceived to be the greater and changing needs of the nation? Who benefited and who suffered from historic alterations in the direction, legal regulation, culling, and control of philanthropic resources? Finally, the advent of highly organized and professionalized, even "scientific," philanthropy in the nineteenth century makes it imperative to ask: Who were the historic proponents of this transformation? What were their methods? What, ultimately, did the highly analytical managers of expert philanthropy achieve?
In quest of answers for such questions, historians are now constructing a more "environmental" or multidimensional history of philanthropy informed by scholars' closer attention to the many artifacts amassed by charitable organizations and voluntary associations over time. Vital evidence comes from institutional archives stuffed with charity's revealing paperwork. The many artworks and purposefully impressive buildings charities acquired now get more attention (Markus 1993). Critical written sources here include newly discovered religious documents, prime to the canons of several faiths; various law codes governing charitable acts, foundations, and associations; notarized records of gifts made during the lifetime of donors; and posthumous benefactors' last wills and testaments, surviving in greater numbers from the Middle East and Europe after the year 1000 CE. These laws and legal records, analyzed quantitatively in bulk, track shifting flows of philanthropic capital. Such recoverable patterns of past benefits further reveal the charitable preoccupations and investments of individual or corporate donors. They measure donors' fidelity to religious and secular codes of giving (Robbins 1997).
This chapter draws upon the new history of philanthropy. Attentiveness to past constructions and performances of "philanthropy" yields keener and more distinct meanings of the term to compare with its current connotations and practice inside the nonprofit sector. Cognizant of this history, modern actors and analysts of the sector can better measure both its loyalty to older traditions of philanthropy and its currently distinctive dimensions.
CHARITY AS MORAL IMPERATIVE IN ANCIENT JEWISH LIFE
In a quest to uncover the religious and ethical motors driving private philanthropy in support of the nonprofit sector, ancient Judaism is an appropriate place to start. Semitic religious codes unequivocally asserted charitable action to be indispensable in forging Jewish identity and divine worship. This principle resonated throughout ancient Hebrew society, making philanthropy incumbent upon all believers. Jewish conceptions of charity endowed the needy with potent rights to assistance and molded Hebrew conceptions of community, place, and time. Religious teachers coordinated arguments to describe charity simultaneously as a duty, a human stewardship of God's gifts, an empathy between rich and poor promoting social peace, and a distinctive tribal virtue. Jews responded with the creation and refinement of enduring communal institutions for charitable action.
Acts of benevolence (gemilut hasadim) take a central place in Jewish conceptions of the sacred, the just, and the godly community always enacting a covenant with the divine (Cassel 1887; Frisch 1924; Lehmann 1897). Among these simultaneously humanitarian and liturgical good deeds, the Talmud extols tsedaqah, alms or assistance to the needy. Connected semantically and spiritually with Hebrew expressions of righteousness, integrity, and justice (tsedeq) for all, the charitable imperative inspires complementary virtues. Charity reinforces the structure of society while compensating for disparities in wealth and power among the social ranks in early Judean temple-kingdoms (Sanders 1992).
Such generosity acknowledges one's moral obligation to worship a generous God through sharing with the less fortunate those personal benefits He alone confers. The first five books of the Bible, composing the Torah, or Pentateuch, and datable from 900 to 600 BCE, reiterate God's eminent domain over all of creation. These texts limit the status of the propertied to that of beneficiary and steward of the worldly goods ultimately donated by Jehovah ("for the land is mine; for you are strangers and sojourners with me," Leviticus 25:23). Moses repeatedly described God as a special avenger of orphans, widows, and refugees. These praises entail Israelites to render material and spiritual assistance promptly to the bereft ("Love the stranger therefore; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt," Deuteronomy 10:19). Jewish sages ruled that the poor of Israel had the strict right to claim support from their neighbors, an entitlement to aid they derived from scripture (Hamel 1990). A key objective here was to use individual and then communal gifts to sustain the Jewish poor while helping them find work and achieve financial independence.
Judaism's stark equation of misanthropy with faithlessness requires believers to be givers (Loewenberg 2001). Certain benefactions are incumbent upon the pious. Rituals of giving organize ancient Jewish calendars and give deeper ethical meaning to the flow of time. Obligatory shared meals and ceremonial gift exchanges mark the days of celebration and atonement that measure the lunar year. These events strengthen personal bonds of conviviality and deference to superior givers. Landowners had to reserve untouched field corners for the gleanings of the poor at the close of each growing period. Triennially, Israel's townspeople and peasantry raised special tithes for the poor. The poor also received all untended field produce during every seventh, or sabbatical, year, in which the land lay fallow. Laws of the jubilee in every seventh and fiftieth year ordained (but did not compel) cancellations of loans, forgiveness of debts, and the manumission of Jewish slaves. Rabbinical courts (battei din) enforced provision of these cyclical aids and could compel the recalcitrant to participate. The first and second divisions of the Mishnah, a comprehensive code of regulations for Jewish communities compiled between 200 BCE and 200 CE, explain these liberalities (Danby 1933; Klein 1979). Charity here works as an ordering principle that makes entire cosmologies, chronologies, and bodies of law more intelligible to the living heirs of past patrons and protgs.
Generations of rabbis emphasized pertinent Bible passages such as Deuteronomy 15:7-8: "If there is among you a poor man, one of your brethren ... you shall not harden your heart or shut your hand against your poor brother, but you shall open your hand to him." The rabbinate ruled that "open your hand" entailed charitable assistance from rich to poor beyond customary gleanings and tithes for the needy. Only the morally oblivious saw a test of piety in the choice to give or not to give. Real tests of Jewish piety are found in donors' efforts to provide the right relief and to serve the unfortunate efficiently and without shame. Lessons in this regard fill Talmudic literature from 200 to 600 CE (Prockter 1991). Jewish teachers consistently construed promises to act charitably as religious vows that must be generously fulfilled. Voluntary donors who act anonymously, who succeed in organizing others in systems of mutual aid, and whose wise gifts save beneficiaries from total destitution get high praise in this literature. Discretionary charity persistently informs the hierarchy of all Jewish virtues, as the later ethical writings of Maimonides attest (1135-1204 CE; Twersky 1980). Charity is not only a virtue in itself; it is the crucial practice underlying other virtues of the Jews: piety, compassion for the weak, love of justice, and devotion to communal survival.
To honor God, succor themselves, and build communities worthy of divine protection, Jews progressively created institutions of charitable action between 100 BCE and 200 CE (Hamel 1990; Loewenberg 2001). According to Loewenberg, these developments mark an early transition from individual charity to concerted action in quest of social justice. As early as the Second Temple era (536 BCE-70 CE), Jews accommodated communal charitable action within the sacred precinct of the Jerusalem Temple. Secret chambers for collection and distribution of charity occupied a part of the most sacred sanctuary. Donors could leave their gifts secretly in one room. Beneficiaries collected the offerings in a second room unseen by contributors and protected from shame.
Judean political and economic upheavals of the second century bce greatly increased the numbers of the poor, migrant, fugitive, and destitute. Jewish institutions of relief expanded at this time to include communal soup kitchens (tamhui) where travelers were especially welcome. Jews also started collective charity funds (kuppah) providing weekly assistance to the resident poor from contributions made by local householders. Material artifacts from these organizations, including engraved collection boxes and homely eating utensils, enrich the archaeological record of Jewish philanthropy from late antique to early modern times. The Talmud advised needy and wandering scholars to settle only in localities with an operational kuppah. This indicates that these relief agencies had broader, salutary material and cultural repercussions.
Socially, the worthy men who became charity fund managers (gabbai tsedaqah) accumulated intangible status advantages for themselves and their kin. The daughters and granddaughters of an accomplished gabbai might marry into prestigious priestly families without the close scrutiny of pedigree normally imposed on such aspiring brides. The overseer's moral authority in fund-raising was backed by Jewish local courts that could compel an individual's participation in communal charity collections. Charitable service here could legitimate both the authority of community elders and the structures of government they served.
At the turn to the Common Era, rabbinical judgments enshrined in Jewish religious law (halakha) began stipulating acceptable material limits to charitable behavior, prescribing nullifications to the jubilees under certain conditions, and condoning donors' scrutiny and selection of recipients for aid (Collins 1905). Field corners to be left to gleaners, for example, were set at one-sixtieth of the surface area of each farmer's holding. Tithes and charitable acts accomplished within the sacred boundaries of Jerusalem gained greater acclaim. The role of Jewish charity in setting gradations of social rank and the protocols of priestly office intensified. More punctilious but also more debatable philanthropic acts invigorated Jewish sectarianism antedating the rise of Christianity. These controversies catalyzed broader dissent among disaffected Jews against established political, religious, and charitable institutions. Jewish converts to early Christianity took inspiration from these complaints and embarked on a quest for their own "true charity." Thus arguments over proper philanthropy sparked rebellion and the genesis of a new faith.
GREEK CLASSICAL FORMS OF PHILANTHROPY AND THE NURTURE OF INCLUSIVE CIVIC IDEALS
Modern revisions of the history of ancient Greece show philanthropy as a cultural phenomenon that thoroughly shaped the sociology and politics of fractious civic communities (Morris 1986). Since we owe directly to the Greeks the very term philanthropy as a designation of exceptional generosity, findings from Greek history enable deeper appreciation of the practice's many cultural and power-political implications (De Ruiter 1932). Focused on Hellenic cities from 200 BCE through 200 CE, the noted research of the French historian Paul Veyne presents the behavior of Greek civic benefactors as a curious amalgam of volition, duty, and constraint-a "predicament" in which the holders of great wealth were caught (Veyne 1969, 1976). Since such nominally "private" wealth was usually appreciated as a real trust in which all members of the civic community held a share, the propertied had to distribute their surplus resources generously. Greek patrons were expected to embellish and glorify the city as a whole. Failure to do so could antagonize rival clans, political factions, and the entire citizenry. Ordinary Greek townsmen served as jurors in city courts and this made wealthy litigants especially wary of angering them. Miserly rich men courted popular rebuke, legal frustrations, and public dishonor. With varying degrees of enthusiasm, the propertied sponsored municipal building projects, the upkeep of warships, civic arsenals, temples dedicated to the gods, and various festivals including superb dramatic competitions (Francotte 1905; Schmitt-Pantel 1992). Enduring productions and celebrations of Greek drama thus constitute one of the most influential traditions of compulsive philanthropy shaping the culture of Western civilization.
Greek urbanites called such civic benefactions or public services incumbent on the rich "liturgies" (leitourgiai). They devised official protocols governing the annual or cyclical acceptance and proper execution of these benevolent duties (Lewis 1960, 1963). Some Greek town councils expected wealthy citizens to take up as many as 120 liturgies per year. Impressed by the ubiquity of such benefactions in classical Greek cities, Veyne has coined the term euergetism to describe such pervasive employment of private liberality for public benefit.
(Continues...)
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