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North and South, respond not so often with a flat contradiction as with a declaration far more disconcerting. For the Southerner speaks truly when he retorts that nowhere in the entire Union, either North or South, are the disadvantages of being a black, or partly black, man confined entirely to the relations of domestic life and private society; but that in every part there is a portion, at least, of the community that does not claim for, or even willingly yield to, the negro, the whole calendar of American rights in the same far-reaching amplitude and sacredness that they do for, or to, the white man. The Southern white man points to thousands of Northern and Western factories, counting-rooms, schools, hotels, churches and guilds, and these attest the truth of his countercharge. Nowhere in the United States is there a whole community from which the black man, after his physical, mental and moral character have been duly weighed, if they be weighed at all, is not liable to suffer an unexplained discount for mere color and race, which he would have to suffer publicly in no other country of the enlightened world. This being the fact, then, in varying degrees according to locality, what does it prove? Only that this cannot be the real point of issue between North and South, and that this superficial definition is not the true one. Putting aside mere differences of degree, the question is not, A re these things so? but, Ought they so to be? To this a large majority in the Northern States from all classes, with a small minority of the Southern whites, also from all ranks of life, and the whole seven million blacks, irrespective of party leanings, answer No. On the other hand, a large majority of the whites in the Southern States large as to the white population of those States, but a very small minority in the Nation at large answer a vehement Yes; these things
(Typographical errors above are due to OCR software and don't occur in the book.)
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