The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France (Classic Reprint): A Study in the History of Social Politics - Couverture souple

Parker Thomas Moon

 
9781440065750: The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France (Classic Reprint): A Study in the History of Social Politics

Synopsis

Explores how Catholic social teaching reshaped French politics and policy. This scholarly study traces the rise of Social Catholic ideas and shows how they influenced a major liberal party, leading to practical reforms and a new political synthesis.

The book examines the path from early Catholic social thought to concrete programs, such as welfare, labor legislation, and industrial organization. It highlights key figures, debates, and the shift from opposition to active engagement in shaping policy.


  • How Social Catholicism moved from critique to program within French liberal politics

  • The formation and evolution of the Popular Liberal Party and its reform agenda

  • Connections between Catholic social ideas and concrete measures like trade unions, pensions, and industrial codes

  • A historical look at the collaborations and tensions within movements across the political spectrum



Ideal for readers of political history, religious movements, and the development of social reform in early 20th-century France.

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Présentation de l'éditeur

Excerpt from The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France: A Study in the History of Social Politics

The program of reforms advocated by the leaders of this movement presents an elaborate and far-reaching scheme of economic reconstruction. One might call it a rival of the other Proposed Roads to Freedom described by Mr. Bertrand Russell. The program is all the more significant because several of its basic principles, which once appeared somewhat visionary, are gaining widespread popularity at the present time. For instance, the idea that a modernized guild system, with industrial democracy, was the true alternative to State Socialism, had little vogue a generation ago, except among Social Catholics, whereas today it is making remarkable head way among British labor leaders, in the form of Guildism or Guild Socialism. The conservative wing of the British Guild Socialist movement, one might add, is Social Catholic. The scheme of Joint Standing Industrial Councils put forward by the Whitley Committee1 and incorporated in the British Goverment's reconstruction policy provides another indication of the same trend of thought, and the Whitley plan bears an astonishing resemblance to the scheme of industrial organiza tion formulated many years previously by French Social Cath olics. Again, the Social Catholics have insisted, from the be ginning, that labor must not be regarded as a commodity, the price of which could be determined by the law of supply and demand. This principle is now officially recognized by a clause in the Treaty of Versailles. International labor legislation is a third principle of which the Social Catholics were among the earliest and most determined advocates. Yet another of the reforms of which Social Catholics, particularly in France, have long been supporters, is the establishment of an industrial, or, rather, a vocational senate as a complement to the existing parliament based on purely numerical or geographical rep resent...

Présentation de l'éditeur

United States, has anything like general public attention been directed to one of the most powerful and interesting of contemporary movements toward the solution of the insistent problem of labor unrest. There is a real need for an impartial historical study of this movement and a critical analysis of the forces which lie behind it. Such a need the present narrative does not pretend to satisfy completely; but it is hoped that even a preliminary survey, such as this, will be of interest to those who concern themselves with the grave social and economic problems now confronting political democracy. The movement in question, generally known as the Social Catholic movement, has expanded so rapidly in the last few decades that it may now be regarded as a force comparable in magnitude and in power to international Socialism, or to Syndicalism, or to the cooperative movement. On the eve of the Great War, Social Catholicism was represented by organizations in every civilized country where there was any considerable Catholic population. I ts adherents were numbered by tens of millions; a host of journals, reviews, year-books, economic treatises, manuals, and millions of tracts were preaching its doctrines; it had apologists in the universities and representatives in the legislatures of many European and several American states; its propaganda was growing by leaps and bounds. It had already taken its place as second or third among the great international movements for social reform. Moreover, thanks to authoritative endorsements by papal encyclicals, and thanks to the energetic efforts of its patrons in the hierarchy, it has resumed its progress since the conclusion of peace and bids fair to command the substantial support of the great body of Catholic Christians throughout the world.
(Typographical errors above are due to OCR software and don't occur in the book.)

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