C mccarthy (Plus de 2 000 résultats)

Etat : Good. Item in very good condition! Textbooks may not include supplemental items i.e. CDs, access codes etc.

Etat : acceptable. This copy has clearly been enjoyedâ"expect noticeable shelf wear and some minor creases to the cover. Binding is strong, and all pages are legible. May contain previous library markings or stamps.

Hardback. Etat : Good. Equip your small business for dramatic growth and success in any environment  In?Small Business Revolution: How Owners and Entrepreneurs Can Succeed, small business expert?and President and CEO of Deluxe Corp. Barry C. McCarthy delivers a stirring combination of uplifting narrative and small business instruction manual. Featuring inspiring stories from the company?s 106-year history and anecdotes from its Emmy-nominated TV show Small Business Revolution, this book offers readers the opportunity to learn how to grow and thrive in their business in any environment, from a booming economy to a post-pandemic marketplace.  Whether you're just starting to plan your new business or you are a seasoned veteran in the small business trenches, you'll discover a wealth of information to help you structure your business to reach customers, find talent, understand finances, and so much more. You'll find guidance on:  How to get your costs in line when your expenses have changed Mastering new tools to manage payments and payroll, including contactless and remote payments Maintaining relationships with your existing customers while reaching out to new ones How to manage cash and, how to retain employees through lean times, and more  Perfect for the millions of brave, courageous, and strong individuals who plan to start or run a small business during one of the most challenging times in recent memory,?Small Business Revolution?is an indispensable guide to helping your enterprise survive and succeed during unprecedented challenges.…

Etat : good. Book is in good condition and may include underlining highlighting and minimal wear. The book can also include "From the library of" labels. May not contain miscellaneous items toys, dvds, etc. . We offer 100% money back guarantee and 24 7 customer service.

Etat : acceptable. Book is in acceptable condition and shows signs of wear. Book may also include underlining highlighting. The book can also include "From the library of" labels. May not contain miscellaneous items toys, dvds, etc. . We offer 100% money back guarantee and 24 7 customer service.

Etat : good. Book is in good condition and may include underlining highlighting and minimal wear. The book can also include "From the library of" labels. May not contain miscellaneous items toys, dvds, etc. . We offer 100% money back guarantee and 24 7 customer service.

Paperback. Etat : Very Good. Movie Tie-In. It's a well-cared-for item that has seen limited use. The item may show minor signs of wear. All the text is legible, with all pages included. It may have slight markings and/or highlighting.

Etat : acceptable. This copy has clearly been enjoyedâ"expect noticeable shelf wear and some minor creases to the cover. Binding is strong, and all pages are legible. May contain previous library markings or stamps.

Hardback. Etat : Very Good. McCarthy argues that the real collusion in the 2016 election was not between the Trump campaign and the Kremlin, but between the Clinton campaign and the Obama administration instead.

Hardback. Etat : Good. McCarthy argues that the real collusion in the 2016 election was not between the Trump campaign and the Kremlin, but between the Clinton campaign and the Obama administration instead.

Hardcover. Etat : Very Good.

Hardcover. Etat : Very Good.

Hardcover. Etat : Good.

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Paperback. Etat : Very Good. It's a well-cared-for item that has seen limited use. The item may show minor signs of wear. All the text is legible, with all pages included. It may have slight markings and/or highlighting.

Etat : good. Fast Free Shipping â" Good condition. It may show normal signs of use, such as light writing, highlighting, or library markings, but all pages are intact and the book is fully readable. A solid, complete copy that's ready to enjoy.

Etat : Acceptable. Item in acceptable condition! Textbooks may not include supplemental items i.e. CDs, access codes etc.

Etat : Good. Item in good condition and has highlighting/writing on text. Used texts may not contain supplemental items such as CDs, info-trac etc.

Mass Market Paperback. Etat : Very Good. Reprint. It's a well-cared-for item that has seen limited use. The item may show minor signs of wear. All the text is legible, with all pages included. It may have slight markings and/or highlighting.

Paperback. Etat : Very Good. It's a well-cared-for item that has seen limited use. The item may show minor signs of wear. All the text is legible, with all pages included. It may have slight markings and/or highlighting.

paperback. Etat : Very Good.

paperback. Etat : Very Good.

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paperback. Etat : Fair.

Hardback. Etat : Good. We still imagine ourselves a nation of laws, not of men. This is not merely an article of faith but a bedrock principle of the United States Constitution. Our founding compact provides a remedy against rulers supplanting the rule of law, and Andrew C. McCarthy makes a compelling case for using it. The authors of the Constitution saw practical reasons to place awesome powers in a single chief executive, who could act quickly and decisively in times of peril. Yet they well understood that unchecked power in one person's hands posed a serious threat to liberty, the defining American imperative. Much of the debate at the Philadelphia convention therefore centered on how to stop a rogue executive who became a law unto himself. The Framers vested Congress with two checks on presidential excess: the power of the purse and the power of impeachment. They are potent remedies, and there are no others. It is a straightforward matter to establish that President Obama has committed "high crimes and misdemeanors," a term signifying maladministration and abuses of power by holders of high public trust. But making the legal case is insufficient for successful impeachment, leading to removal from office. Impeachment is a political matter and hinges on public opinion. In Faithless Execution, McCarthy weighs the political dynamics as he builds a case, assembling a litany of abuses that add up to one overarching offense: the president's willful violation of his solemn oath to execute the laws faithfully. The "fundamental transformation" he promised involves concentrating power into his own hands by flouting law--statutes, judicial rulings, the Constitution itself--and essentially daring the other branches of government to stop him. McCarthy contends that our elected representative are duty-bound to take up the dare. What are "High Crimes and Misdemeanors"? Impeachment is rare in American history--and for good reason. As the ultimate remedy against abuse of executive power, it is politically convulsive. And yet, as the Framers understood, it is a necessary protection if the rule of law is to be maintained. But what are impeachable offenses? There is widespread confusion among the American people about the answer to this question. Article II of the Constitution lists treason and bribery, along with "other high crimes and misdemeanors as the standard for impeachment. Despite what "crimes" and "misdemeanors" connote, the concept has precious little to do with violations of a penal code. Rather, it is about betrayal of the political trust reposed in the president to execute the laws faithfully and "preserve, protect and defend" our constitutional system, as his oath of office requires. At the constitutional convention in 1787, the delegates concurred that the "high crimes and misdemeanors" standard captured the many "great and dangerous offenses" involving malfeasance, incompetence, and severe derelictions of duty that could undermine the constitutional order. The Framers were clear that "high crimes and misdemeanors" involved misconduct that did not necessarily break penal laws; it might not even be considered criminal if committed by a civilian. It would apply strictly to "the misconduct of public men .or the abuse or violation of public trust," as Alexander Hamilton put it. "High crimes and misdemeanors" are of a purely political nature as they "relate to injuries done immediately to the society itself." To be clear, "high crimes and misdemeanors" is not a standard conceived for normal law enforcement. It applies instead to oath, honor, and trust--notions that are more demanding of public officials than the black and white prohibitions of criminal law. While the standard is high-minded it is not an abstraction. The Framers were very clear: betrayals of the constitutional order, dishonesty in the executive's dealing with Congress, and concealment of dealings with foreign powers that could be injurious to the American people were among the most grievous, and impeachable, high crimes and misdemeanors. Above all, the Framers had in view the president's oath of allegiance to our system of government, a system in which the president's highest duty is faithful execution of the laws. The mere attempt to subvert the constitution would be a breach of trust that warranted impeachment and removal. A free country requires the rule of law. But the rule of law is a sham if lawlessness is rampant among those who govern. This was the deep political truth that the Framers of this country recognized in the providing for the impeachment of an errant executive. It is a truth that we ignore at our peril. Faithless Execution Author Q&A You are a well-known conservative commentator -- how would you answer the accusation that Faithless Execution is just a partisan stunt? McCarthy: Well, 'conservative' does not mean 'Republican'--in fact, the book is not very flattering when it comes to GOP fecklessness in the face of the president's lawlessness. But the main point is: Faithless Execution argues against partisan hackery. I analyze the legal case for impeachment as a former prosecutor who would not go to court without a sufficient case. And as far as the politics goes, I argue that, despite the sizable majority Republicans hold in the House, articles of impeachment should not be filed unless and until there is a strong public will to remove the president from power--one that transcends party lines. Many Republicans say an effort to impeach Barack Obama is political suicide for the Republican Party. How do you respond to this? McCarthy: The failure to pursue impeachment is likely to be suicide for the country, which is much more important than the political fate of the Republican Party. But, again, making the case for impeachment--which would probably help not only Republicans but any elected official who defends our constitutional framework--is not the same as moving forward with articles of impeachment, which should not happen absent p.…

Hardback. Etat : Very Good. We still imagine ourselves a nation of laws, not of men. This is not merely an article of faith but a bedrock principle of the United States Constitution. Our founding compact provides a remedy against rulers supplanting the rule of law, and Andrew C. McCarthy makes a compelling case for using it. The authors of the Constitution saw practical reasons to place awesome powers in a single chief executive, who could act quickly and decisively in times of peril. Yet they well understood that unchecked power in one person's hands posed a serious threat to liberty, the defining American imperative. Much of the debate at the Philadelphia convention therefore centered on how to stop a rogue executive who became a law unto himself. The Framers vested Congress with two checks on presidential excess: the power of the purse and the power of impeachment. They are potent remedies, and there are no others. It is a straightforward matter to establish that President Obama has committed "high crimes and misdemeanors," a term signifying maladministration and abuses of power by holders of high public trust. But making the legal case is insufficient for successful impeachment, leading to removal from office. Impeachment is a political matter and hinges on public opinion. In Faithless Execution, McCarthy weighs the political dynamics as he builds a case, assembling a litany of abuses that add up to one overarching offense: the president's willful violation of his solemn oath to execute the laws faithfully. The "fundamental transformation" he promised involves concentrating power into his own hands by flouting law--statutes, judicial rulings, the Constitution itself--and essentially daring the other branches of government to stop him. McCarthy contends that our elected representative are duty-bound to take up the dare. What are "High Crimes and Misdemeanors"? Impeachment is rare in American history--and for good reason. As the ultimate remedy against abuse of executive power, it is politically convulsive. And yet, as the Framers understood, it is a necessary protection if the rule of law is to be maintained. But what are impeachable offenses? There is widespread confusion among the American people about the answer to this question. Article II of the Constitution lists treason and bribery, along with "other high crimes and misdemeanors as the standard for impeachment. Despite what "crimes" and "misdemeanors" connote, the concept has precious little to do with violations of a penal code. Rather, it is about betrayal of the political trust reposed in the president to execute the laws faithfully and "preserve, protect and defend" our constitutional system, as his oath of office requires. At the constitutional convention in 1787, the delegates concurred that the "high crimes and misdemeanors" standard captured the many "great and dangerous offenses" involving malfeasance, incompetence, and severe derelictions of duty that could undermine the constitutional order. The Framers were clear that "high crimes and misdemeanors" involved misconduct that did not necessarily break penal laws; it might not even be considered criminal if committed by a civilian. It would apply strictly to "the misconduct of public men .or the abuse or violation of public trust," as Alexander Hamilton put it. "High crimes and misdemeanors" are of a purely political nature as they "relate to injuries done immediately to the society itself." To be clear, "high crimes and misdemeanors" is not a standard conceived for normal law enforcement. It applies instead to oath, honor, and trust--notions that are more demanding of public officials than the black and white prohibitions of criminal law. While the standard is high-minded it is not an abstraction. The Framers were very clear: betrayals of the constitutional order, dishonesty in the executive's dealing with Congress, and concealment of dealings with foreign powers that could be injurious to the American people were among the most grievous, and impeachable, high crimes and misdemeanors. Above all, the Framers had in view the president's oath of allegiance to our system of government, a system in which the president's highest duty is faithful execution of the laws. The mere attempt to subvert the constitution would be a breach of trust that warranted impeachment and removal. A free country requires the rule of law. But the rule of law is a sham if lawlessness is rampant among those who govern. This was the deep political truth that the Framers of this country recognized in the providing for the impeachment of an errant executive. It is a truth that we ignore at our peril. Faithless Execution Author Q&A You are a well-known conservative commentator -- how would you answer the accusation that Faithless Execution is just a partisan stunt? McCarthy: Well, 'conservative' does not mean 'Republican'--in fact, the book is not very flattering when it comes to GOP fecklessness in the face of the president's lawlessness. But the main point is: Faithless Execution argues against partisan hackery. I analyze the legal case for impeachment as a former prosecutor who would not go to court without a sufficient case. And as far as the politics goes, I argue that, despite the sizable majority Republicans hold in the House, articles of impeachment should not be filed unless and until there is a strong public will to remove the president from power--one that transcends party lines. Many Republicans say an effort to impeach Barack Obama is political suicide for the Republican Party. How do you respond to this? McCarthy: The failure to pursue impeachment is likely to be suicide for the country, which is much more important than the political fate of the Republican Party. But, again, making the case for impeachment--which would probably help not only Republicans but any elected official who defends our constitutional framework--is not the same as moving forward with articles of impeachment, which should not happen absent p.…

Etat : good. Fast Free Shipping â" Good condition. It may show normal signs of use, such as light writing, highlighting, or library markings, but all pages are intact and the book is fully readable. A solid, complete copy that's ready to enjoy.

Paperback. Etat : Very Good. First Edition, 1st Printing. It's a well-cared-for item that has seen limited use. The item may show minor signs of wear. All the text is legible, with all pages included. It may have slight markings and/or highlighting.

Etat : very_good. Fast & Free Shipping â" Very Good condition book with a firm cover and clean pages. Shows normal use and some light wear or limited notes markings. A solid, nice copy to enjoy.