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Paperback. Etat : New. This book explores the role and relevance of non-state actors (NSAs) in the international system by analyzing the ways these actors gain influence in the United Nations (UN). Offering a systematic, theoretical, and empirical account of how NSAs contest and potentially change state sovereignty through the UN the author considers the successes and failures of national liberation movements and indigenous peoples and examines how and under what conditions such a challenge is possible. This book will be of great interest to scholars and graduate students in the fields of international law, politics, history, human rights, and governance. It will be especially useful to those with an interest in the proliferation of non-state actors in the international system and the role and relevance of Intergovernmental Organizations.…

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Taschenbuch. Etat : Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Seminar paper from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - International Politics - General and Theories, grade: 1.0, The Australian National University, language: English, abstract: This text concerns itself with answering two central questions of the democratic principle in the current arena of world politics. The questions are: Is international politics ultimately all aboutpower and interest, such that democracyshouldremain of marginal importance to internationalrelations AndIf democratic states are 'morally reliable', dowe need democratisation of the internationalsystem itself, or can we just rely on coalitionsof these 'reliable' states The study of International Relations (IR) has long been concerned with Realpolitik, a form ofpolitical realism, which puts the self-help (military power) and survival (interest) motives ofstates at the centre of its inquiry to explain the structural realities of the anarchic internationalsystem, which is seen to exist under a constant threat of war. (Waltz, 1979) [Market] liberalism,on the other hand, opposes the realist tradition and aims for the emancipation of humanity. In theliberal tradition, the authority of democratic nations and the proliferation of free-markets arebelieved to need to extend to the international system, in order to bring about peace, security(Fukuyama, 1989) and happy consumers. The Neo-conservatives within the US administrationseem to have embraced both realism and market liberalism and combined the two into a meshthat is hard to disentangle. Therefore, an obvious observation of the current era of US hegemonydoes indeed reaffirm that power and the interest of agencies in the international arena areprominent attributes of international politics. Powerful states, such as the US in Iraq, wageunilateral wars to secure their strategic interests and at the same time support market liberalism,while the biggest beneficiaries, multinational corporations (MNCs), smile broadly in thebackground. In this regard, it appears as if notions of democracy, power, and interest are not onlyjuxtaposed, but are in fact feeding on each other, perpetuating but one form of democracy - thatof market liberalism.…

Taschenbuch. Etat : Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Seminar paper from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Globalization, Political Economics, grade: 1.5, The Australian National University, language: English, abstract: The east African country of Tanzania, once praised for its 'Open Door Policy' and its committedsupport for refugees fleeing turmoil in their respective home countries, has shifted dramaticallywithin the last two decades. This paper will investigate the changed policy of the Tanzaniangovernment towards continuous refugee influx after its independence in 1964. It is apparent thatperceptions of refugees have also shifted in local, regional and international arenas and due to theconfines of this paper, developments on these fronts will only be mentioned peripherally.The refugee situation in the Great Lake Region of Tanzania is of exceptional importance for aselected number of reasons:1) Tanzania has been host to the highest number of refugees on the African continent thereforeputting a uncontested burden on the nation2) The country acts as case for an increasing awareness of sovereignty, especially in terms ofnational security in post colonial Africa3) The historical implications of ethnic separation questions the notion of territoriality in aregion still struggling to create stability4) Government leadership and ideology influence the perception of refugees and therefore theformulation of policyThis paper will investigate the above, firstly outlining the refugee arrivals in western Tanzania sinceindependence; secondly investigating the perception of refugees under the presidency of the PanAfricanist, Julius Nyerere until 1985; thirdly it will account for refugee policy adjustmentsimplemented by the government post Nyerereism; and lastly by concluding the above notionsutilising the findings of the preceding paragraphs. Tanzania has been a safe haven for refugees from its western neighbours, namely Burundi, Congo(former Zaire), Uganda and Rwanda for several decades and the country has continuously hostedrefugees from these countries. Estimates on the number of refugees vary greatly, and no exactnumber can be drawn from existing figures post Tanzanian independence, but it is reasonable toassume refugee volumes of several hundred thousand up to a million from 1959 until 1993. Refugees arriving in the biggest wave between 1993 and 1998 from Rwanda, Burundi and theDemocratic Republic of Congo are thought to have reached close to 1.3 million people.…

Taschenbuch. Etat : Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Seminar paper from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - International Politics - General and Theories, grade: 1.6, The Australian National University, language: English, abstract: Contemporary theory of International Relations is a continuous scholarly battleground for variousschools of thought. This paper will scrutinize two prevailing theories of neorealism andneoliberalism, namely Kenneth Waltz's concept of political structures juxtaposed with Robert O.Keohane's neoliberal institutionalism. To arrive at a critical conclusion that explains which of thetwo constructs stand a better chance of successfully explaining the most fundamental workings ofthe international system of states, a four-part sequence is proposed in this paper. Firstly, this paperwill explain how both authors define their assumed principles and how those assumptions aresummarised in relation to the international system. Secondly it will demonstrate where the author'sideas intersect and/or divert from the other. Thirdly, it will examine if it is feasible to classify theideas as distinct theories or if it is perhaps more accurate to see Keohane's work as an alteration toneorealist theory. Finally, by equating the logical consequences of the findings in the precedingsections, this paper will conclude with a restrictive formulation of the more convincing idea withinthe confines of the two texts.Waltz commences his 1979 chapter on political structures in 'Theory of International Politics' bystressing the need for a system theory of international politics, which is set apart from economic,social and other international realms. He adapts the idea of structure predominately used byeconomists and anthropologists. Waltz is particularly interested in the creation and interaction ofthe units within the system and amongst each other, as well as the forces and outcomes that theunits entail. By setting aside 'the characteristics of units, their behaviour, and their interactions'and focusing purely on their position within the structure instead, Waltz argues that an abstract theory of the system will more precisely explain how the structure of political systems affects theagencies, its units, thereby minimising confusion between system and unit level causalities.As Waltz continues his deductive approach to political systems he constitutes structure andinteracting units.…